a familiar crisis management tool
and transcending vs addressing the past
Hi there,
I went to the birillé exhibition at Yimtubezina Museum over the weekend. A birillé is a glass flask that’s used to drink tej in Ethiopia. It has a history of at least 700 years!
Tej is a traditional Ethiopian honey wine, which, I came to find during this visit, was reserved only for royalty. It was only during Emperor Tewodros’s reign, during the 1860s, that ‘ordinary people’ were allowed to brew it at home.
My name is Maya Misikir, and I’m a freelance reporter based in Addis Abeba. I write Sifter, this newsletter where I send out the week’s top 5 human rights stories in Ethiopia.
Now, to the news.
Tech: internet blackouts
Internet shutdowns have become commonplace in Ethiopia. In 2021, while I was working for Addis Fortune, we somehow managed to publish the weekly newspaper on schedule, during 3 weeks of nationwide internet blackout.
Our woes pale in comparison to regions that have had shutdowns for much longer (Tigray, Amhara, Oromia, for example). This is to say nothing of the devastation that has accompanied the shutdowns in these regions.
The length of internet blackouts has a correlation to the number of conflict-related deaths, according to a recent analysis.
Here’s an excerpt from an article on the London School of Economics and Political Science:
Spatial analysis of internet shutdown patterns and conflict deaths across Ethiopia reveals a troubling correlation: regions with the longest blackouts experienced the highest numbers of conflict-related deaths.
Tigray, which endured nearly 787 days of shutdown, also suffered the highest casualties and one of the worst humanitarian crises in decades.
The article adds that internet shutdowns are no longer a measure taken during emergencies in Ethiopia, but are used ‘routinely as a crisis management tool’.
The full article, here.
Conflict: alarm bells from all sides
January 25 was the day conflict restarted in areas bordering Ethiopia’s Tigray, Amhara, and Afar regions, according to the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission.
By Thursday last week, Ethiopian Airlines had cancelled all flights going from Addis Abeba to all the airports in Tigray region. People in the region were also unable to withdraw cash from banks.
Two days ago, the first death and injury by a drone attack was reported.
Here’s an excerpt from a story on Reuters:
The senior Tigrayan official said the drone strikes hit two Isuzu trucks near Enticho and Gendebta, two places in Tigray about 20 kilometres apart. A humanitarian worker confirmed the strikes had happened. Both asked not to be named.
Who’s fighting? ‘regional and national forces’, according to the story.
While not explicitly mentioning any factions, the African Union, the European Union, and the United Nations have all put out statements on how signatories of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front) should uphold the November 2022 peace deal.
The full story on Reuters, here.
History: structure versus agency
What has political transformation looked like in Ethiopia, and how much agency have those at the helm of power had to shape it?
Below are takeaways from an author’s review of three books on Ethiopian history, looking at different times: one that looks as far back as 2000 years ago, one during the time of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front or EPRDF (1991-2018), and one on the post 2018 era.
The author’s review of the first book, Ethiopia’s Developmental State: Political Order and Distributive Crisis by Tom Lavers, deals with the time of the EPRDF. In the book, structural constraints are depicted as the reasons that the state’s ‘ambitious and capital-intensive industrialisation strategy’ didn’t pan out. These forces include a ‘non-existent private sector’ and ‘barriers to entering the global value chain’.
If you plan to read this book, its strengths include the robust research that backs up the claims, according to the author: ‘a decade of empirical research, including over 500 interviews across sectors from 2004 to 2020’.
For the period 2018 onward, The Abiy Project: God, Power and War in the New Ethiopia, by Tom Gardner, the role of agency is much more magnified, according to the author. Here, the prime minister has an ‘outsized role’ and is depicted as leading the transformation of Ethiopia single-handedly: ‘faith and agency eclipse material and institutional realities’.
While the strengths of this book include a captivating narrative (journalists, amirite?), the anonymity of sources, though justifiable, raises ‘questions about knowledge production in the study of Ethiopian politics’, says the author.
The final book reviewed by the author, Greater Tigray and the Mysterious Magnetism of Ethiopia by Haggai Erlich, looks as far back as the Aksum Empire, at what is referred to as ‘Greater Tigray’ (which includes present-day Eritrea). The book looks at the region’s history as a political and military center of Ethiopia, its placement near the sea — making it a ‘logistical center’ but also an entry point for invaders — and its ‘fragmented politics’.
The book does well on one front, according to the review: ‘illuminating the geopolitical stakes and competing visions that have long shaped Tigray’s relationship with both its neighbours and foreign powers.’ There are several present-day parallels, including the ‘loyalties split between Addis Ababa and Asmara,’ and the ‘contested struggle over the Horn’s maritime and land corridors’.
However (readers be warned), this book, ‘engages little with questions of sources or historical method’ adds the author.
The full article, entitled, The roots of political transformation in Ethiopia: a review essay, here.
Humanitarian aid: looking back at 2025
What were the issues that affected humanitarian access in Ethiopia in the last months of 2025?
The major ones include ‘conflict, climate shocks, and disease outbreaks’, according to a story on Addis Standard.
Part of the problem includes fuel shortages, including in Ethiopia’s Amhara and Tigray regions.
What else? Here’s an excerpt:
The report added the complex bureaucratic and administrative procedures delayed the importation of vehicles and relief items and hindered cargo movement within the country, with Amhara among the most affected regions.
The full story, on Addis Standard, here.
Geopolitics: so much (diplomatic) traffic
The recent succession of diplomatic visits to Addis Abeba is not just made out of ‘courtesy’ but is a sign of the re-emergence of the country as a ‘strategic prize’, according to an analysis by The Africa Report.
So, who’s been visiting lately? China’s foreign minister, Wang Yi, Germany’s foreign minister, Johann Wadephul, and US Deputy Secretary of State, Christopher Landau.
The interests of the countries these diplomats represent vary, according to the piece: the US has strategic military interests in the region, Germany seeks a place to export its products, and China is Ethiopia’s dominant economic partner.
Here’s an excerpt:
For Ethiopia, the challenge is turning rivalry into advantage. Port access, digital infrastructure, aviation, mining, and security cooperation are no longer separate files. They form a single geopolitical package.
The full story, on The Africa Report, here.
That’s all for this week. I’ll catch you next Monday.
In the meantime, if you know someone who might be interested in this, share and let them know!