Marching for women's rights
and Guji continued
Hi there,
Today’s edition is on the shorter side. I was on vacation last week — on account of my birthday — and though I always say I’ll do it, I have yet to give myself one extra day in between getting back home from breaks to acclimate to real-life situations. Naturally, all the relaxation has caught up to me so I have less energy than usual, which, for those of you who know me well, is saying something.
But I’m looking forward to doing a bit more analysis-heavy editions in the coming months (upon reader suggestions) so if you have any particular issues you’d like me to dive into, hit reply and let me know — I am on the other end.
Welcome new subscribers; this is Sifter, a weekly round-up of the top five news and human rights stories in Ethiopia. I’m Maya Misikir, a freelance reporter based in Addis Abeba, and I write it.
Now, to the news.
Women’s rights: protests in Tigray
A protest rally was held in Ethiopia’s Tigray region last week, ‘demanding an end to violence against women in the region’, according to a story by Addis Standard. The protests were held in Mekelle, the regional capital, as well as Adigrat town, and called for justice for survivors.
Here’s an excerpt from the story on what happened during the war in the region (which lasted from November 2020 to November 2022):
According to a report by Refugees International, cited by Addis Standard in April 2023, an estimated 40-50% of Tigrayan girls and women experienced gender-based violence during the war.
The report, based on extensive field research and interviews with victims and health workers in the Tigray region by Senior Fellow Sarah Miller, revealed a harrowing reality. Over 80% of these victims reported being raped, with nearly 70% experiencing brutal gang rape by armed groups.
The full story, on Addis Standard, here.
Human rights: a vicious cycle in Guji (II)
In last week’s edition, I wrote the first part of an investigative report on the human rights situation in Ethiopia’s Oromia region where federal forces have been fighting the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) since 2019. Undertaken by the Center for Advancement of Rights and Democracy, and entitled, ‘Voice for Guji: Grave Human Rights Situation in Oromia's Guji Zones’, the report calls for urgent attention and intervention. You can read the first part, here.
The report documents unlawful and extra-judicial killings, both by government forces and armed fighters.
OLA fighters, identified by, ‘their attire and distinctive braided hairstyles,’ have, waged a ‘relentless campaign of violence against civilians,’ it adds. They target communities ‘accusing them of government affiliation,’ while government troops accuse the same communities of supporting the armed fighters.
Government forces are especially culpable in arbitrary arrest in the area, detaining people they think are supporters of the OLA.
Here’s an excerpt on conditions of detention from the report:
Some detainees were held in small, overcrowded rooms with 15 to 20 people. Others were confined in a larger communal area comprised of 12 converted classrooms, housing approximately 400 detainees in total. The facility held people of all ages – from young people suspected of OLA affiliation to elderly individuals and women whose children or grandchildren were believed to be involved with the OLA.
Most of the arrests happen, ‘without court orders’ and have people, ‘confined in places fenced like cattle fields, schools, and police stations, and left without shelter, enduring rain and sun.’
The report also mentions a type of violence unique to boys and men in the region. Here’s another excerpt on that:
Many have suffered a cruel and degrading punishment known locally as ‘number eight,’ where their hands and feet are tied together behind their backs. This torture method is typically inflicted on boys and men. Those subjected to this violence have been left paralyzed and have lost parts of their bodies, rendering them unable to work.
One result of this ongoing conflict is displacement, also driven by famine in the area. The report concludes by saying that the conflicting parties need to start dialogue and negotiations to find, ‘a peaceful resolution that respects the rights and dignity of all citizens.’
Refugees: Sudanese situation worsens
At the end of May, I wrote an update about the difficulty that Sudanese refugees faced sheltering in Ethiopia’s Amhara region. The region, which shares a border with Sudan, is where informal militiamen (Fano) have been fighting the federal government since August last year. This has made it extremely unsafe for the refugees who left their camps in the thousands in May, after facing attacks and robbery.
Who’s behind the attacks? Here’s an excerpt from a story on The New Humanitarian:
Some reports blame Fano for the abuses against Sudanese, though refugees who spoke to The New Humanitarian described assailants simply as “militiamen from the mountains” or as armed residents of villages near the camps, which are called Awlala and Kumer.
So, where are the refugees who left the camps now? Here’s another excerpt:
Mohamed Hamid, a refugee who is stuck in the forest, said the group has been contending with hyenas and other dangerous wildlife over the past few weeks, and is experiencing humanitarian conditions that “no human being would accept”.
Other safer sites in the region have been identified according to the UN, but ‘financial resources, the current rainy season, and the security situation’ all dictate when this might be available to the refugees.
The full story, which talks about the conditions of the two camps in Amhara region (Awlala and Kumer) and ‘food blackmail’ by a government agency, on The New Humanitarian, here.
Infrastructure: mediation efforts
It’s been a while since I have written about the port deal between Ethiopia and Somaliland in this newsletter. The deal, a Memorandum of Understanding, signed in January between the two countries, was for Somaliland to grant access to the Red Sea to Ethiopia. In return, Somaliland will get ‘shares in Ethiopian Airlines and a recognition of its statehood from the Ethiopian government.’ The relationship between Somalia, which claims Somaliland as part of its territory, and Ethiopia, has since soured greatly.
Turkey has now stepped between Ethiopia and Somalia ‘holding mediation talks in Ankara this week’ according to sources in a story by the Middle East Eye.
Here’s an excerpt from the story:
If the deal collapses due to Addis Ababa’s maximalist demands, it may undermine Turkey’s prestige in the region and potentially damage Ankara’s strong relationship with Ethiopia," the first source warned.
Turkey’s sale of armed drones to Ethiopia in 2021 played a significant role in Abiy’s efforts to defeat Tigray forces in Ethiopia’s civil war.
The full story, which also talks about the Turkish government’s ‘defence and economic cooperation agreement with Somalia in February’, on the Middle East Eye, here.
Reshuffles: the versatility
The Industrial Parks Development Corporation, in charge of the 12 government-owned industrial parks in the country, has a new head, according to a story by Ethiopia Insider. The latest CEO of the Corporation will be its fourth in six years.
The new CEO, Feseha Yetagsu, is a man who wore many hats before taking on this new role; head of the state-owned media house, Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation, state minister at the Ministry of Trade and Regional Integration, as well as stints at the Information Network Security Agency, and the former Ministry of Science and Technology, according to the story.
The full story, in Amharic, on Ethiopia Insider, here.
That’s all for this week. I’ll be back next week with more updates!
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